AFRICAN  MEDIA

                                                                    TEACHING OF HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY 2

                                        HIS MAJESTY EMPEROR HAILE SELASSIE I SPEAKS

                                             APPEALING TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice
which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months
ago, when fifty nations asserted that aggression had been committed in
violation of international treaties.

There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly.
But there is also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice
and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also,
there has never before been an example of any Government proceeding to
the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of
the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should
not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful
gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that
the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme
duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies.

I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that
have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who
accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses.

It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible
as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly
peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been
suffered by Ethiopia.

It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has
above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to
terrorize and exterminate them.

At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my
armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned
to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases.
The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled
upon armed groups. But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected
only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning
to troops and to the population of the danger.

It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were
taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure
which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special sprayers were
installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of
territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft
followed one another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous
sheet. It was thus that, as from the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women,
children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with
this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order
to more surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its
aircraft pass over and over again. That was its chief method of warfare.

Ravage and Terror

The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror
into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest
removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter fear and
death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory.

These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly
rain that fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with
pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food also
succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the
Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized world the
tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva.
None other than myself and my brave companions in arms could bring the
League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates
addressed to the League of Nations had remained without any answer; my
delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself to
bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe
a warning of the doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished
fact.

Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian
drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or
as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to bring my country the
benefits of civilization, and in particular to establish relations of good
neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in concluding
with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the
resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force
and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have
based international order.

Country More United

In its report of October 5th 193S, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my
effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the
entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee
for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and independence, would help
her to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem that in Ethiopia
today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the
country is more united and the central power is better obeyed.

I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every
kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government
which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Government,
as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest
of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere; their
only object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts
that for 14 years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore
recognizes today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League
of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it
signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the whole world.
The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additional
guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve further progress along
the specific path of reform on which it had set its feet, and to which it was
devoting all its strength and all its heart.

Wal-Wal Pretext

The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The
Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of
Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the
Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and arbitration.
Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain Government considered
that the European situation made it imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship
of Italy. The price paid was the abandonment of Ethiopian independence
to the greed of the Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the
obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of
events. Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today its
disastrous consequences.

This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling
itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government
feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the concerted pressure
which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian Government, might
perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people to Italian domination.
The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with a
view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of
obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure. Governments tried to
prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their
nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised
so that an award favourable to Italy should be given.

All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were
forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the
subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia.

Peace Efforts

Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era
of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the
Roman Government.

The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated
October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month of
December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935.

It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25 and
26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid on
the Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to the
Council had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two
dates, the Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the
Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that provided for in
the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that period, moreover,
the despatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of
troops were represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for
the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia's preparations. Ethiopia, on the
contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy which, in its
opinion, left no doubt "as to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government."
From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement
by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian
Government desiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty
of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would
faithfully carry out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed
that the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the
arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such a course. It
asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to any
enquiries upon which the Council might decide.

Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the Italian
Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim
to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by
the means provided by the Covenant.

It stated that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance
to Italian security and civilization" it "would be failing in its most elementary duty,
did it not cease once and for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full
liberty to adopt any measures that may become necessary to ensure the safety of its
colonies and to safeguard its own interests."

Covenant Violated

Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council
and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian
Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of aggression.
I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed
upon me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and integrity of
my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all
small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour.

In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an
assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the
Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right and the
failure of violence.

I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they
embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance
of my people against the aggressor whom they had denounced to the world.
Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, artillery,
munitions, hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute. I
thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful
in the world, should be successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting
on the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is
the case with certain small countries in Europe.

When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities
towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire
armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo to prevent my doing
so, whereas the Italian Government through the Suez Canal, was given all
facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms,
and munitions.

Forced to Mobilize

On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours
later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I
had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the eve of the
Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres so as to remove
any pretext of provocation.

War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before
the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government commanding
more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its disposal financial,
industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited
quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a
small people of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resources
having on its side only the justice of its own cause and the promise of the
League of Nations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the fifty
two nations who had declared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of
the Covenant and had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor?
Has each of the States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its
signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor
as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had
placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence
had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the
effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force would end by
being compelled to bow before right.

In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in
harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the
world, had protested against the proposal to dismember Ethiopia. It was
constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the Italian
Government and the League of Nadons, and that is why I personally refused
all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government,
if only I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations.
I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with
aggression.

What of Promises?

What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October,
1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers considered
their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no value. Their
connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any measures
whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a
profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government
which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant,
has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as any
measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various
pretexts were devised in order to postpone even consideration of the
measure. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this
tireless obstruction?

The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed
their soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately
personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for
means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for financial
assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been constantly
refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the
Covenant and of collective security?

The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa
was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended for the
Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not the only
means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of neutrality
should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is
not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of the
League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to the aid not of the
aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been
respected? Is it today being respected?

Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the
Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential members
of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has succeeded in
occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose not to continue
the application of any economic and financial measures that may have
been decided upon against the Italian Government.

These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine
Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider
the situation created by Italian aggression.

I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider
one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression.

League Threatened

It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations.
It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It
is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their
independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the
equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon
smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international
morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value
only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate
interest involved?

No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion.
It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a
time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of
the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with
complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is
demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the
League?

Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation
that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government
finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for
that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment
in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.

Assistance Refused

I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied
have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances
could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly
applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of
stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When
Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial
assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas
financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of
peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have refused
to apply sanctions against the aggressor?

Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international
treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of
warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the initiative has today been
taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not mean in
practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve
of the day when I was about to attempt a supreme effort in the defense of
my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of
one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee
of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each
of the States Members are entitled to expect from the great Powers when
they assert their right and their duty to guide the action of the League?
Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are
States going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force?
Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform
of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of
collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings
can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international
morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant.
On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I
request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure respect for the
Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of treaties of which the
Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the whole
world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will not
bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means
in their power to ensure the triumph of right and the respect of the Covenant.

I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise
to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do
for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of
collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may
one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take?
Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your
midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I
have to take back to my people?

June, 1936.

                                         HIS MAJESTY EMPEROR HAILE SELASSIE I SPEAKS

                                     ADDRESSING  THE UNITED NATIONS

Mr. President, Distinguished Delegates:
Twenty-seven years ago, as Emperor of Ethiopia, I mounted the rostrum in Geneva,
Switzerland, to address the League of Nations and to appeal for relief from the
destruction which had been unleashed against my defenceless nation, by the Fascist
invader.

I spoke then both to and for the conscience of the world. My words went unheeded,
but history testifies to the accuracy of the warning that I gave in 1936.
Today, I stand before the world organization which has succeeded to the mantle
discarded by its discredited predecessor. In this body is enshrined the principle of
collective security which I unsuccessfully invoked at Geneva. Here, in this Assembly,
reposes the best - perhaps the last - hope for the peaceful survival of mankind.
In 1936, I declared that it was not the Covenant of the League that was at stake, but
international morality. Undertakings, I said then, are of little worth if the will to keep
them is lacking.

The Charter of the United Nations expresses the noblest aspirations of man: abjugation
of force in the settlement of disputes between states; the assurance of human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion;
the safeguarding of international peace and security.

But these, too, as were the phrases of the Covenant, are only words; their value depends
wholly on our will to observe and honour them and give them content and meaning.
The preservation of peace and the guaranteeing of man's basic freedoms and rights
require courage and eternal vigilance: courage to speak and act - and if necessary, to
suffer and die - for truth and justice; eternal vigilance, that
the least transgression of international morality shad not go undetected and unremedied.
These lessons must be learned anew by each succeeding generation, and that generation
is fortunate indeed which learns from other than its own bitter experience. This
Organization and each of its members bear a crushing and awesome responsibility: to
absorb the wisdom of history and to apply it to the problems of the present, in order
that future generations may be born, and live, and die, in peace.

The record of the United Nations during the few short years of its life affords mankind
a solid basis for encouragement and hope for the future. The United Nations has
dared to act, when the League dared not in Palestine, in Korea, in Suez, in the Congo.
There is not one among us today who does not conjecture upon the reaction of this
body when motives and actions are called into question. The opinion of this
Organization today acts as a powerful influence upon the decisions of its members.
The spotlight of world opinion, focused by the United Nations upon the transgressions
of the renegades of human society, has thus far proved an effective safeguard against
unchecked aggression and unrestricted violation of human rights.

The United Nations continues to sense as the forum where nations whose interests
clash may lay their cases before world opinion. It still provides the essential escape
valve without which the slow build-up of pressures would have long since resulted in
catastrophic explosion. Its actions and decisions have speeded the achievement of
freedom by many peoples on the continents of Africa and Asia. Its efforts have
contributed to the advancement of the standard of living of peoples in ad corners of
the world.
For this, all men must give thanks. As I stand here today, how faint, how remote. are
the memories of 1936.

How different in 1963 are the attitudes of men. We then existed in an atmosphere of
suffocating pessimism. Today, cautious yet buoyant optimism is the prevailing spirit.
But each one of us here knows that what has been accomplished is not enough. The
United Nations judgments have been and continue to be subject to frustration, as
individual member-states have ignored its pronouncements and disregarded its
recommendations. The Organization's sinews have been weakened, as member states
have shirked their obligations to it. The authority of the Organization has been mocked,
as individual member-states have proceeded, in violation of its commands, to pursue
their own aims and ends. The troubles which continue to plague us virtually all arise
among member states of the Organization, but the Organization remains impotent to
enforce acceptable solutions. As the maker and enforcer of the international law,
what the United Nations has achieved still falls regrettably short of our goal of an
international community of nations.

This does not mean that the United Nations has failed. I have lived too long to
cherish many illusions about the essential highmindedness of men when brought into stark
confrontation with the issue of control over their security, and their property interests.
Not even now, when so much is at hazard would many nations willingly entrust their
destinies to other hands.

Yet, this is the ultimatum presented to us: secure the conditions whereby men will
entrust their security to a larger entity, or risk annihilation; persuade men that their
salvation rests in the subordination of national and local interests to the interests
of humanity, or endanger man's future. These are the objectives, yesterday unobtainable,
today essential, which we must labour to achieve.

Until this is accomplished, mankind's future remains hazardous and permanent peace
a matter for speculation. There is no single magic formula, no one simple step, no words,
whether written into the Organization's Charter or into a treaty between states, which
can automatically guarantee to us what we seek. Peace is a day-to day problem,
the product of a multitude of events and judgments. Peace is not an "is", it is a
"becoming." We cannot escape the dreadful possibility of catastrophe by miscalculation.
But we can reach the right decisions on the myriad subordinate problems which each new day
poses, and we can thereby make our contnbution and perhaps the most that can be reasonably
expected of us in 1963 to the preservation of peace.

It is here that the United Nations has served us - not perfectly, but well. And in
enhancing the possibilities that the Organization may serve us better, we serve and
bring closer our most cherished goals.

I would mention briefly today two particular issues which are of deep concern to all
men: disarmament and the establishment of true equality among men.
Disarmament has become the urgent imperative of our time, I do not say this because
I equate the absence of arms to peace, or because I believe that bringing an end to
the nuclear arms race automatically guarantees the peace, or because the elimination
of nuclear warheads from the arsenals of the world will bring in its wake that change
in attitude requisite to the peaceful settlement of disputes between nations.
Disarmament is vital today, quite simply, because of the immense destructive capacity
of which men dispose.

Ethiopia supports the atmospheric nuclear test ban treaty as a step towards this goal,
even though only a partial step. Nations can still perfect weapons of mass destruction
by underground testing There is no guarantee against the sudden, unannounced resumption of
testing in the atmosphere.

The real significance of the treaty is that it admits of a tacit stalemate between the
nations which negotiated it, a stalemate which recognizes the blunt, unavoidable fact
that none would emerge from the total destruction which would be the lot of all in a
nuclear war, a stalemate which affords us and the United Nations a breathing space in
which to act.

Here is our opportunity and our challenge. If the nuclear powers are prepared to declare
a truce, let us seize the moment to strengthen the institutions and precedures which will
serve as the means for the pacific settlement of disputes among men.

Conflicts between nations will continue to arise. The real issue is whether they are to
be resolved by force, or by resort to peaceful methods and procedures, administered
by impartial institutions. This very Organization itself is the greatest such institution,
and it is in a more powerful United Nations that we seek, and it is here that we shall find,
the assurance of a peaceful future.

Were a real and effective disarmament achieved and the funds now spent in the arms
race devoted to the amelioration of man's state; were we to concentrate only on the
peaceful uses of nuclear knowledge, how vastly and in how short a time might we
change the conditions of mankind. This should be our goal.

When we talk of the equality of man, we find, also, a challenge and an opportunity;
a challenge to breathe new life into the ideals enshrined in the Charter, an
opportunity to bring men closer to freedom and true equality. and thus, closer to a
love of peace.

The goal of the equality of man which we seek is the antithesis of the exploitation of
one people by another with which the pages of history and in particular those written
of the African and Asian continents, speak at such length.

Exploitation, thus viewed, has many faces. But whatever guise it assumes, this evil
is to be shunned where it does not exist and crushed where it does. It is the sacred
duty of this Organization to ensure that the dream of equality is finally realized for
all men to whom it is still denied, to guarantee that exploitation is not reincarnated in
other forms in places whence it has already been banished.

As a free Africa has emerged dunng the past decade, a fresh attack has been
launched against exploitation, wherever it still exists. And in that interaction so
common to history, this in turn, has stimulated and encouraged the remaining
dependent peoples to renewed efforts to throw off the yoke which has oppressed
them and its claim as their birthright the twin ideals of liberty and equality.
This very struggle is a struggle to establish peace, and until victory is assured, that
brotherhood and understanding which nourish and give life to peace can be but
partial and incomplete.

In the United States of America, the administration of President Kennedy is leading
a vigorous attack to eradicate the remaining vestige of racial discrimination from this
country. We know that this conflict will be won and that right will triumph. In this
time of trial, these efforts should be encouraged and assisted, and we should lend
our sympathy and support to the American Government today.

Last May, in Addis Ababa, I convened a meeting of Heads of African States and
Governments. In three days, the thirty-two nations represented at that Conference
demonstrated to the world that when the will and the determination exist, nations and
peoples of diverse backgrounds can and will work together. in unity, to the achievement
of common goals and the assurance of that equality and brotherhood which we desire.

On the question of racial discrimination, the Addis Ababa Conference taught, to those
who will learn, this further lesson:
That until the philosophy which holds one race superior and another inferior is finally
and permanently discredited and abandoned:
That until there are no longer first-class and second class citizens of any nation;
That until the colour of a man's skin is of no more significance than the colour of his eyes;
That until the basic human rights are equally guaranteed to all without regard to race;
That until that day, the dream of lasting peace and world citizenship and the rule of
international morality will remain but a fleeting illusion, to be pursued but never attained;
And until the ignoble and unhappy regimes that hold our brothers in Angola, in
Mozambique and in South Afnca in subhuman bondage have been toppled and destroyed;
Until bigotry and prejudice and malicious and inhuman self-interest have been
replaced by understanding and tolerance and good-will;
Until all Africans stand and speak as free beings, equal in the eyes of all men, as
they are in the eyes of Heaven;
Until that day, the African continent will not know peace. We Africans will fight, if
necessary, and we know that we shall win, as we are confident in the victory of
good over evil.

The United Nations has done much, both directly and indirectly to
speed the disappearance of discrimination and oppression from the earth. Without
the opportunity to focus world opinion on Afnca and Asia which this Organization
provides, the goal, for many, might still lie ahead, and the struggle would have
taken far longer. For this, we are truly grateful.

But more can be done. The basis of racial discrimination and colonialism has been
economic, and it is with economic weapons that these evils have been and can be
overcome. In pursuance of resolutions adopted at the Addis Ababa Summit
Conference, African States have undertaken certain measures in the economic
field which, if adopted by all member states of the United Nations, would soon reduce
intransigence to reason. I ask, today, for adherence to these measures by every
nation represented here which is truly devoted to the principles enunciated in the
Charter.

I do not believe that Portugal and South Africa are prepared to commit economic or
physical suicide if honourable and reasonable alternatives exist. I believe that such
alternatives can be found.
But I also know that unless peaceful solutions are devised, counsels of moderation
and temperance will avail for naught; and another blow will have been dealt to this
Organization which will hamper and weaken still further its usefulness in the struggle
to ensure the victory of peace and liberty over the forces of strife and oppression.
Here, then, is the opportunity presented to us. We must act while we can, while the
occasion exists to exert those legitimate pressures available to us, lest time run out
and resort be had to less happy means.
 

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